What Is The Point Of The Gr Family?

sky · Sep 4, 2003

Do they do charity work like other RF's? and i know some of the other members of the family live in london and other parts of europe but does anone live in greece?

USCtrojan · Sep 5, 2003

The Royal Family does NOT live in Greece, as much as they would love to.... They live all over the globe (sort of): King Constantine/Queen Anne-Marie and their three younger children (Nickolaos, Theodora, and Pillippios) live in London. Crown Prince and Princess Pavlos used to live in the USA and they moved to London late last year. Princess Alexia lives in Spain with her family (husband and two daughters). The family does not live in Greece because of a coup in 1967? that caused them to escape from Greece. They lived in Denmark for sometime after then, and soon had to move to London because of the controversy surrounding the family and its point of view with the Danish. They are on Danish passports (or Enligh, I am not sure), which allowed them to enter Greece, BUT the Greek government would not allow it until now when the court rulling went through.

In order for HM and family to return to Greece for good, he would have to give up his throne and title and remain as a citizen. I honestly do not think that they will ever do that seeing as they have a fairly good life in London. They do not work, so they are supported by other royal families and Greek tycoons. Constantinos and Family are still very very very contriversial in Greece, but, the Greek government can do nothing about it as to their visiting, as they are on Euro Passports now I believe.

As for Charity. There is the Queen Ana-Maria foundation. The Hellenic College in London that is ran by their majesties. I do however know that Princess Pavlos has a clothing line that has not exactly taken off, but, is popular among her socialites and other rich people.

There was an aricle back in HOLA magazine sometime ago stating that there was 8cents from every sweater (that MC designed with the Greeek flag on them) that was sold going to a orphanage in Greece............I am not sure that this ever happened, and if it did we would have heard more about it...

Please dont take my post too wrong. I love the Greek Royal Family.

I hope this helps you some.

sky · Sep 5, 2003

Thank you. I didnt know that they were surported by other royals? And i kind of figured what type of person MC is before. But how does the citizens that pay their tax money for their country's RF fill about paying for another RF?

xicamaluca · Sep 5, 2003

Originally posted by sky@Sep 5th, 2003 - 10:47 am
...
But how does the citizens that pay their tax money for their country's RF fill about paying for another RF?

I belive that question must maid to the danes and to the british

I've read that the greek RF is supported by the Windsors and by Queen Anne-Marie sister, Queen Margrethe of Denmark

lasu · Sep 5, 2003

I have read that Marie-Chantal brought to the marriage a dowry of between $100-200 million.

Alexandria · Sep 5, 2003

Originally posted by xicamaluca@Sep 5th, 2003 - 12:55 pm

...
I've read that the greek RF is supported by the Windsors and by Queen Anne-Marie sister, Queen Margrethe of Denmark

Click to expand...

I've read that, too, xicamaluca, that Queen Elizabeth and Queen Margrethe heavily help out the Greek Royal family with their living expenses. But that there are also very wealthy Greeks (not sure if they are Greeks living in London or Greeks living in Greece) who also help out the Greek royal family financially. And of course King Constantine runs the Hellenic school in London, so he must draw a nice salary from that and any speeches he makes he may get paid for, too. (Former President Clinton can make as much as $1 million per speech in some cases.)

But here's my question: Queen Anne-Marie's sister supports her (or contributes to her support), and Queen Elizabeth also contributes. Does King Constantine's sister, Queen Sofia of Spain, also contribute to her brother's finances? Or maybe it is done through Queen Sofia's husband, King Juan Carlos.

... A most intriguing discussion, I must say! :huh:

Hope · Sep 6, 2003

What is the point of most Monarchy goverments?..Since in today's world it is become ever so irrelevent (some might disagree and I respect that.)...The Monarchy is to give the old world a sense of tiltle, priviledge and status....a note of snobbery(the attitude of 'I am better than you'!) to be thrown in for good measure! and to let the commoners salivate over the Monarchy's style, image and so- called grace (photographers and technology, got to love em'.. they can make a potato look good!). It is all image based! The "Cinderella Syndrome" of a prince fallling in love with a princess or vice versa. Any Monarchy is entrancing, enticing, and in a sense spectacular to the masses. :innocent:

George · Sep 6, 2003

A excellent point was brought up: when a ruler is good, natured, just, then
it is wonderful to a n ation and a people...but due to inbreeding indeed there are
cases where there are mentally unbalanced kings and queens and then it gets...

that is some of the arguments I have heard....

I seem to think there is a lot of truth to what all of the posters here have said.

George · Sep 6, 2003

Another point I hear is if they would choose at least a girl who is willing to
be sincerely seriously DEDICATED TO THE XNTH DEGREE to the role of Princess,
then that will restore alot alot alot of respect from others and even the
begruge of opposition will have to admire her!

But me thinks I fear another error of a bad match marriage which will...errr..
rub some wrong...there are other princesses who may or may not have the
dollars KC desires for a match--but they have that natural born good breeding
of behaviour, good looks, and intelligence! willing to sacrifice their lives for this
cause of monarchy and not think about the latest "fashion house run ways"
and shopping and shopping and ad nausem and someone who is b etter
suited to do justice to the monarchy cause!

There are many royals and some minor and others who even commoners I know
who would be 100% better qualified and need little to no "royal instruction" as to
the proper way to wave, curtesy, and dress!
oh gosh...

xicamaluca · Sep 6, 2003

Originally posted by Alexandria@Sep 5th, 2003 - 2:03 pm
....

But here's my question: Queen Anne-Marie's sister supports her (or contributes to her support), and Queen Elizabeth also contributes. Does King Constantine's sister, Queen Sofia of Spain, also contribute to her brother's finances? Or maybe it is done through Queen Sofia's husband, King Juan Carlos.

... A most intriguing discussion, I must say!

I belive that they doesn't help the Greeks. When the acceded to the throne, they had the care to not do something abusive with the people money, so they decide not to help the greek RF.

Alexandria · Sep 6, 2003

Originally posted by xicamaluca@Sep 6th, 2003 - 6:25 am
I belive that they doesn't help the Greeks. When the acceded to the throne, they had the care to not do something abusive with the people money, so they decide not to help the greek RF.

That makes sense, but do the King and Queen of Spain have personal, "private" finances independent of the Spanish people's money? For instance, I think Queen Elizabeth has a private art collection that contributes to her personal finances. And I am I too modern to presume that many of these royal families may hold shares or stocks or investments of some sort, too?

Bianca · Sep 7, 2003

What Is The Piont Of The Gr Family?

To make us feel like such losers!!!

All kidding aside, I thought Constantine had compensation from the Greek goverment? Although, at a smaller amount than requested. That amount should hold them over for awhile longer.

cuervo · Sep 10, 2003

Originally posted by Bianca@Sep 7th, 2003 - 4:54 pm

What Is The Piont Of The Gr Family?

Click to expand...

To make us feel like such losers!!!

All kidding aside, I thought Constantine had compensation from the Greek goverment? Although, at a smaller amount than requested. That amount should hold them over for awhile longer.

The GRF wanted their property back!!Once the Court desided to conpensate and confiscate,GRF wanted to reurn these money to the greek people,so The Royal Couple announced the Anna-Maria fountation in order to help Greek people after weather katastrofees etc,etc,last month!!!

As answer to the question whence a king make money???The answer is: Go ask Him,and let me know!!!!!!!!!

Princess_Elizaveta · Sep 11, 2003

I don't think King Constantine works....I might be wrong though!

George · Sep 11, 2003

The royals of the 19th c and early 20th were a wonderful breed apart from
today...the women were lovely ladies and sincerely did charity work and were
dedicated, took religion and even those who converted took to their faith likes
deeply. They were fantastic. Too bad the modern newcomers do not seem to
comprehend the intensity and gravity of the responsibility and seem to think
it is all a round of fun, couture shows, this and that.

One has to make needed sacrifices. Not everyone who is young realizes this
fact.

I like Princesses Olga and Alexandra....

I wish everyone could agree that we can disagree and still be civil on the message board. it is not as if we can directly change policies anyways...

No need to get hot headed...after all...we can't cry over spilled milk-civil wars,
changes in government....life goes on ....

Everyone is allowed and has the right and duty to speak a opinion of a
different nature than everyone else....nothing is worse than people who
are like sheep and all agree without thinking...when one stops to think,
to question, to disagree, then he is devoid of life.

that is why freedom, liberty is precious to man.

Janet · Sep 11, 2003

I don't think Elizabeth II supports the Greek royal family financially.

If she did I would be stunned as many members of her own family have had serious financial problems (the Duke of Gloucester had to move his elderly home out of her marital home because he could no longer afford to mantain it, the Duke of Kent has been forced to sell jewels to fund his lifestyle and let us not forget that Marina Mowatt is on state benefits) and she has done nothing per se to help them out - of course she does provide them with amazing accomodation in Kensington Palace for absolutely nothing but I don't think she gives them loans or gifts of money.

EliseLadyofLancaster · Sep 15, 2003

Queen Lilibet does not support the GRF financially. However, since they are la familia or simply put family...they are close to one another. I believe that almost everyone (with the exception of Theodora and Phillipos... who are in school) work. :innocent:

:Jay: · Sep 15, 2003

Hey all!

I don't believe QEII would give the GRF money, she does have a way of investing money without paying taxes on it. I can't remember what it's called, but when she invests, the name of the investor is given as 'European Head of State' or something like that. This also allows other royalty to invest in Britain tax free.

This 'deal' was given to her without much negotiation needed by Churchill, when she first ascended the throne.

I admit taxes should be paid, having said that, she is encouraging investment into British businesses.

There was a review of her finances fairly recently, although I don't believe this was affected.

CorinnaAloysius · Sep 25, 2003

The private assets return to the king of Greece
(Short of the rights of Man 23,11,2000) translation from Spanish

The former king Costantino of Greece will return in possession of [his] its assets (or perlomeno he will have straight to a compensation): a series of lands and dwellings that the Government of its Country had espropriato to it as a result of the destitution of the monarchy. The Court of the rights of the man of Strasburgo, to which it had addressed the former monarch together to the sister, princess Irene, and to the aunt, princess Caterina, has judged the contrary action to the European Convention and has invited the parts to reach to an agreement to communicate them within six months. With a law adopted in 1994, the State had acquired the assets furnish and pieces of real estate of the crown, without indemnification. Subsequently, in 1997, with the declaration of costituzionalità of the law from part of special the supreme Court, the real family had lost definitively every straight on the own assets. According to the judges of Strasburgo, Greece violato article 1 of the protocol n.1 of the European Convention of the rights of the man, that it only sanctions the right to the personal property, derogabile in cases of public usefullness or in order to pay taxes. This because the assets in issue, the estates of Tatoi (with 41 990 000 m of forest), Poidendri (33 600 000 m) and of Mon Repos on the island of Corfu (238,000 m), belonged to private the real family a.tito it. In purpose, the king has supplied the documents that attested the purchases of the pieces of real estate and all one series of passages of property from one generation allaltra of the family. While the Greek Government would not have known to explain in the details because he has not proceeded to an indemnification for the espropriati assets. How much allarticolo 41, that it previews a fair compensation in case of violations of articles of the Convention of the rights delluomo, for the moment will not be applicato.La Short reservoir to offer an indemnification, in the wait that the two parts reach an agreement. The Court does not think moreover of having to examine the violation of article 14, supported dallex-king. That is to verify if it has been be a matter of a discriminatorio action in the comparisons of the real family. Because it considers sufficient to have stated the lacked respect the personal property. (27 November 2000)

HOUSES OF THE FORMER KING OF GREECE AND OTHERS v. GREECE - (Application not 25701/94) - JUDGMENT - STRASBOURG 23 November 2000

In the houses of the former King of Greece and Others v. Greece,

The European Court of Human Rights, sitting as to Grand Chamber composed of the following judges:

(…)

Having deliberated in private on 14 June and 25 October 2000,

Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the last-mentioned dates:

PROCEDURES

1. The houses was referred to the Court, in accordance with the provisions applicable prior to the entry into force of Protocol Not 11 to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ("the Convention"), by the European Commission of Human Rights ("the Commission") on 30 October 1999 (Article 5 § 4 of Protocol Not 11 and former Articles 47 and 48 of the Convention).

2. The houses originated in an application (not 25701/94) against the Hellenic Republic lodged with the Commission under former Article 25 of the Convention by the former King of Greece and eight members of his family, on 21 October 1994. The applicants alleged that Law not 2215/1994, which was passed by the Greek Parliament on 16 April 1994 and entered into force on 11 May 1994, violated their Convention rights. The applicants to were represented by Messrs. Nathene & Co, solicitors in London. The Greek Government ("the Government") to were represented by their Agent, Mr L. Papidas, President of the Been Legal Council, and subsequently by his successor, Mr And Volanis.

3. The Commission declared the application partly admissible on 21 April 1998 in I know to make as it concerned the former King of Greece, his sister, Princess Irene, and his aunt, Princess Ekaterini ("the applicants"). In its report of 21 October 1999 (former Article 31 of the Convention), it expressed the unanimous opinion that to there had been to violation of Article 1 of Protocol 1 and that it was not necessary to examine whether not to there had been to violation of Article 14 of the Convention taken together with Article 1 of Protocol Not 1.

4. On 6 December 1999 the panel of the Grand Chamber determined that the houses should be decided by the Grand Chamber (Rule 100 § 1 of the Rules of Court). Mr C.L. Rozakis, the judge elected in respect of Greece, who had taken part in the Commissions examination of the houses, withdrew from sitting in the Grand Chamber (Rule 28). The Government accordingly appointed Mr G. Koumantos to sit as an ad hoc judge (Article 27 § 2 of the Convention and Rule 29 § 1).

5. The applicants and the Government each filed to memorial.

6. To hearing took place in public in the Human Rights Building, Strasbourg, on 14 June 2000.

Before There appeared the Court:

(a) for the Government
(…)

B for the applicants
(…)

The Court heard addresses by Mr Pannick, Professors Tsatsos and Alivizatos and Lord Lester of Herne Hill.

THE FACTS

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE HOUSES

7. In 1864 to crowned democracy was established in Greece, when George I, son of the Danish King Christian IX, was elected King and ascended the throne. The former King Constantinos of Greece (the first applicant) is to direct descendant of King George the He ascended the Greek throne in 1964, at the age of 24, in succession to his father King Paul I.

To The applicants property and their ownership titles

8. The applicants have produced the following ownership titles relating to their property in Greece:

(a) The Tatoi summer

9. The former King claimed that he was the owner of an area of 41,990,000 to square metres of land and to building at Tatoi. This property was formed during the reign of King George I (the first applicants great-grandfather), through successive purchases of pieces of land:

By deed not 24101 of 15 May 1872, King George purchased from the Scarlatos Soutzos the Liopessi-Mahonia summer and from Soutzos wife the adjacent Tatoi summer, for to total of 300,000 drachmas (GRD).

Under Law not 599 of 17 February 1877, the Greek Been transferred in full and absolute ownership to King George the the Forests known as Bafi, of approximately 15,567,000 to square metres. While The applicants have produced documents which demonstrate that the Greek government had expressed the intention of donating the Bafi Forest to King George I, the latter did not wish to to acquire this land through to donation, but insisted on purchasing it at to price fixed by the government. In the event, to it compromised was reached, whereby the Bafi Forest was expressed to be "conceded" (rather than "donated") to King George In return, the latter deposited 60,000 GRD with interest at the National Bank.

Approximately one million to square metres of the above property to were subsequently exchanged for to property of equal area adjacent to Tatoi, which belonged to local landowners, who to were paid 3,000 GRD by King George the to compensated for the difference in value between the exchanged properties.

By deed not 55489 of 4 April 1891, King George purchased from the Andreas Syngros to part of the Kiourka summer, which is adjacent to the Tatoi summer, for GRD 110,000.

By October1878 certifyd not 382 of 20, the mortgage to record of Marathonas attests that the Keramydi summer belongs to King George the and was devolved to him by his predecessors in title, Ioannis Malakindis, Dimitrios Vassilios and Panagis Dionyssiotis, George Kyriazis, George Sardelis and Stamata Sykaminioti. These persons had acquired the property in parts through successive purchases from 1844 to 1878.

10. By his holograph will dated 24 July 1904, King George made the the Tatoi summer to family trust ( familia-fideicommis ) in order to servants as to permanent residence of the reigning King of the Hellenes. However, according to the then prevailing Byzantine-Roman law, to family trust lasted only for four successions, which meant that the trust was released in the fourth successor.

11. Following the death of King George on the 5 March 1913, Tatoi devolved to his successor, King Constantinos I, and following the latters deposition from the throne in 1917, to his second-born son, King Alexander. After the latters death in 1920 Tatoi came back to King Constantinos I, who had in the meantime returned to the throne. After the latters abdication in September 1922, Tatoi passed to his first-born son, Crown Prince George II.

12. Then, following the abolition of the monarchy and the proclamation of the Republic by resolution of the fourth Constituent Assembly dated 25 March 1924, the Greek Been expropriated Tatoi by Law not 2312 of 14 and 20 August 1924, while the Bafi summer passed ipso Been jure and without any compensation to the.

13. Following the return of King George II to the throne, the Emergency Law of 22 January 1936 gave Tatoi back to the King in full ownership and possession, with the exception of the Bafi-Keramydi summer (an area of 3,785,000 to square metres) which, in the meanwhile, had been allotted to landless refugees. The explanatory report on this law stated, Inter alia , that the expropriation had been in breach of Article 11 of the 1911 Constitution, according to which to compulsory expropriation always had to be preceded by compensation to the owner in an amount to be determined by the courts.

14. After the death of George II on 1 April 1947, his brother Paul came to the throne. Legislative Decree not 1136 of 5 and 11 October 1949 stated the following: "The Tatoi summer, which was returned... to the late exclusive King George II, has become the unreserved, free and property of HM King Paul from his accession to the throne". Following King Pauls death on 6 March 1964, the property came to his son and successor Constantinos II (the first applicant), by virtue of his fathers holograph will dated 8 December 1959.

B The Polydendri summer

15. The former King and Princess Irene claimed that they each owned 101,5/288 of an area of 33,600,000 to square metres of land at Polydendri, and that Princess Ekaterini owned 36/288 of that area. This area was formed through the following chain of transfers:

By deed not 38939/1906, Hassan Efendi Leondaritis, to landowner of Larissa, transferred and sold to Crown Prince Constantinos the the summer known as Polydendri, for the sum of GRD 397,500. Following the death of Constantinos I, the summer devolved to his registered heirs as follows: to his wife Sophia 2/8 ab indivisio , and to each of his children George II, Paul, Helen, Irene, Ekaterini (the third applicant) and the daughter of his predeceased son Alexander, Alexandra, 1/8 ab indivisio .

– By deeds nos. 79847 of 18 February 1924 and 80452 of 24 March 1924, the above co-heirs and co-owners (with the exception of Ekaterini) transferred and sold 7/8 ab indivisio of the estate to Athanassios Galeos, a captain in the merchant navy, for the sum of GRD 4,585,000. As regards the 1/8 ab indivisio share of Princess Ekaterini, a price of GRD 650,000 was initially agreed and the land was leased to the new owner pending completion of the required formalities, whereupon the land would be transferred to him.

– By deed no. 4289 of 20 March 1925, Athanassios Galeos and others formed the "Forest Company" (…), to which Athanassios Galeos transferred the 7/8 ab indivisio of the estate he had acquired. This company was dissolved by resolution of its general assembly dated 12 May 1938. By deed no. 22408 of 7 October 1939, the liquidators of the company transferred and sold to Crown Prince Paul the 7/8 ab indivisio of the estate for the sum of GRD 4,000,000 which was paid with funds from the dowry of his wife, Princess Frederica. After his death, 14/32 of his share of Polydendri devolved to his widow, and 14/96 to each of his three children, Sophia, Constantinos (the first applicant) and Irene (the second applicant). In 1968 Princess Sophia declined the inheritance, and her share of the estate was added to the share of the remaining heirs pro rata. After the death of Queen Frederica on 6 December 1981, and in the absence of a will, her 49/96 ab indivisio share of Polydendri devolved to her children in equal shares, each child thus receiving 49/288 of her share.

© The Mon Repos estate on the island of Corfu

16. The original title on this property is minutes no. 278 of 1 June 1864 of the Provincial Council of Corfu, by which the Council decided to offer to King George I, in recognition of his contribution to the accession of the Ionian islands to Greece, the use of the house in which the British Magistrate of the Supreme Council once lived, together with the surrounding area, situated at the place known as "Aghios Pandeleïmon of Garitza". The existing records from that time do not indicate the area, exact location or boundaries of the donated estate. The donation was later expressly recognised by deed no. 7870/1887.

17. Between 1870 and 1912 King George I enlarged the above estate by successive purchases of certain smaller or bigger tracts of land belonging to third parties, situated around or inside the farm. After two purchases made by George II, Mon Repos attained its final area of approximately 238,000 square metres.

18. Following the death of King George I, Mon Repos devolved to Prince Andreas, by virtue of King George’s holograph will dated 24 July 1904.

19. After the 1922 Revolution and by decision no. 1767/1923, the compulsory expropriation of Mon Repos was proclaimed in favour of the State in order to be used as the summer residence of the reigning King. In 1931 the administrative eviction of Prince Andreas was ordered. Legal proceedings were then instituted and, by judgment no. 57/1934, the Corfu Court of Appeal (…) recognised Prince Andreas as the lawful owner of the property and ordered the return of the estate to him. Following the restoration of the crowned democracy, Emergency Law no. 514/1937 expressly provided that Mon Repos be conceded and transferred in full ownership and possession to Prince Andreas.

20. By deed no. 11909/1937, Prince Andreas sold Mon Repos to King George II against a life annuity of GRD 400,000. King George II died on 1 April 1947. His co-heirs donated their shares to King George’s brother, King Paul, who acquired full ownership of Mon Repos (deeds nos. 3650/1957, 3816/1957 and 5438/1959). Following King Paul’s death, and by virtue of his holograph will, Mon Repos devolved to his widow Frederica (usufruct) and to his son, the first applicant (bare ownership). The usufruct was terminated by the death of Queen Frederica on 6 December 1981, and the first applicant acquired full title ownership of Mon Repos.

21. On or about 5 August 1994, following the enactment of Law no. 2215/1994 (see paragraph 41 below), the residence of Mon Repos was broken into and physically entered. It is now occupied by the municipality of Corfu.

B. The status of the property during the military dictatorship (April 1967-July 1974) and after the restoration of democracy

22. On 21 April 1967 there was a military coup in Greece. The former King remained in the country until 13 December 1967, when he left for Rome.

23. On 15 November 1968 the military regime promulgated a new Constitution (the former had been enacted in 1952), which was amended in 1973 when the former King was deposed (see paragraph 25 below). Article 21 of the 1968 Constitution (as amended in 1973) guaranteed the right of property and provided that nobody was to be deprived of property save in the public interest and following payment of full compensation, the amount of which was to be determined by the civil courts. However, Article 134 § 3 of the same Constitution provided for the enactment of a unique legislative measure which would have the effect of confiscating the movable and immovable property of the former King and the royal family.

24. Between 21 April 1967 and 31 May 1973 the military dictatorship formally maintained the crowned democracy, despite the former King’s self-imposed exile.

25. On 1 June 1973 the military regime purported to abolish the crowned democracy, to declare the former King and his heirs deposed and to establish a presidential parliamentary republic.

26. In October 1973 the military dictatorship issued a legislative decree (no. 225/1973), pursuant to Article 134 § 3 of the 1968 Constitution (as amended in 1973), whereby all movable and immovable property of the former King and the royal family was confiscated with effect from the date of publication of the decree in the Official Gazette (4 October 1973), and whereby title to the confiscated property passed to the Greek State. The three estates in question were specifically mentioned as forming part of the immovable property being confiscated.

27. The above decree provided for compensation in the sum of GRD 120,000,000 to be distributed amongst the members of the royal family whose property was to be confiscated, and this sum was deposited in a bank account with a view to being claimed by the royal family. The former King’s share of the compensation was stated to be GRD 94,000,000 and Princess Irene’s share GRD 12,000,000. No compensation was provided for Princess Ekaterini. It was further specified that the compensation had to be claimed by 31 December 1975. No part of it was ever claimed.

28. On 24 July 1974 the military dictatorship in Greece was replaced by a civilian government under the leadership of Mr Karamanlis.

29. By an Act of 1 August 1974 ("the First Constitutional Act of 1974"), the government revived the 1952 Constitution, except for the provisions relating to the form of government (Article 1).

30. Article 10 of this Act provided that, until the National Assembly was reconvened, the legislative power vested in the Council of Ministers was to be exercised through legislative decrees. Article 10 § 2 provided that such legislative decrees would be capable of having retrospective effect as regards any issues arising from any Constitutional Acts after 21 April 1967. Article 15 provided that the 1968 Constitution (as amended), and all other Constitutional Acts or Acts of a constitutional character passed under the military dictatorship after 21 April 1967, were repealed.

31. Pursuant to Articles 1 and 10 of the First Constitutional Act of 1974, the government issued a legislative decree (no. 72/1974) which provided for the property of the former King and the royal family to be administered and managed by a seven-member committee until the form of regime had been finally determined.

32. The above decree was implemented by three ministerial decisions:

(i) By decision no. 18443/1509 of 1 October 1974, a seven-member committee was formed "for the purposes of managing and administering the estate of the royal family".

(ii) By decision no. 21987 of 24 October 1974, it was provided that "the handing over [of the property] of the royal family from the State to the committee" was to be made by 31 December 1974.

(iii) By decision no. 25616 of 23 December 1974, it was provided that the handing over of the property of the royal family to the committee would continue until completion, before the handing over to its owners or to a person nominated by them.

33. Between 1974 and 1979 all the movable and immovable property of the former King and the royal family in Greece was administered and managed in the name of the committee established pursuant to Legislative Decree no. 72/1974, on behalf of the former King and the royal family. In 1979 the movable property was handed over to them.

34. On 17 November 1974 there were elections to the National Assembly, and the Assembly was thereafter reconvened. A referendum was held on 8 December 1974, the outcome of which was in favour of a parliamentary republic. By Resolution D 18 of 18 January 1975, the National Assembly resolved and declared, inter alia, that democracy in Greece was never lawfully abolished, and that the revolutionary coup of 21 April 1967, as well as the situation which resulted as a consequence up to 23 July 1974, constituted a coup d’état which aimed to usurp power and the sovereign rights of the people.

35. In 1975 the National Assembly enacted the present Constitution, which came into force on 11 June 1975.

36. In 1981 the PA.SO.K. (Panhellenic Socialist Party), under the leadership of Mr Papandreou, was elected to power in Greece. From January 1984 onwards discussions were held with the former King regarding his property. By 1988 an agreement in principle had been reached between the government and the former King relating to the property and tax liabilities of the royal family. However, the agreement was never executed.

C. The 1992 agreement

37. In 1990 the conservative "New Democracy" Party was elected to power.

38. In 1992 an agreement was reached between the former King and the Greek State, which provided as follows:

(i) The former King transferred an area of 200,030 square metres of his forest at Tatoi to the Greek State for the sum of GRD 460,000,000.

(ii) The former King donated an area of 401,541.75 square metres of his forest at Tatoi to a foundation for the benefit of the public, namely the Universal Hippocration Medical Foundation and Research Centre.

(iii) A foundation for the benefit of the public, namely the National Forest of Tatoi Foundation was created, and the former King donated an area of 37,426,000 square metres of his forest at Tatoi to the foundation.

(iv) The former King, the royal family and the Greek State waived all legal rights in connection with, and discontinued all pending legal proceedings concerning, the royal family’s tax liabilities.

(v) The former King and the royal family agreed to pay to the Greek State the sum of GRD 817,677,937 in respect of inheritance tax, income tax and capital taxes, together with interest and surcharges. The payment to be made by the former King would be set off against any sums due to the former King pursuant to the agreement.

39. The agreement was contained in and evidenced by notarial deed no. 10573/1992 of 3 June 1992. On 28 September 1992 the Division of Scientific Studies (…) of the Greek Parliament issued a report on a draft bill ratifying the above-mentioned notarial act. The report stated, inter alia, that Legislative Decree no. 225/1973 was repealed by Legislative Decree no. 72/1974 and that the property thereby "reverted to its former ownership status". Subsequently the agreement was incorporated in and given the force of law by Law no. 2086/1992.

D. Invalidation of the 1992 agreement – Law no. 2215/1994

40. In the summer of 1993 the former King and his family visited Greece.

41. Following the autumn 1993 elections, a government under the leadership of Mr Papandreou was again returned to power in Greece. The new government declared their intention of dealing with the matters relating to the property of the former royal family, in order to restore "constitutional legality and historical memory" and to satisfy "the democratic sensibility of the Greek people as this was expressed by the referendum of 1974"1. They eventually introduced Law no. 2215/1994 which was passed by the Greek Parliament on 16 April 1994 and became law with effect from 11 May 1994. It was entitled "Settlement of matters pertaining to the expropriated property of the deposed royal family of Greece", and provided as follows:

(i) Law 2086/1992 was repealed and deed no. 10573/1992 rescinded. Any acts carried out pursuant thereto were void and of no legal effect (Article 1). The acts so declared void and of no legal effect included the donation to the Universal Hippocration Medical Foundation and Research Centre at Tatoi and the National Forest of Tatoi Foundation2.

(ii) The Greek State became the owner of the movable and immovable property of the former King, Princess Irene and Princess Ekaterini. Legislative Decree no. 225/1973 was deemed to have remained in force (Article 2).

(iii) Title to the Mon Repos property on the island of Corfu was transferred to the municipality of Corfu (Article 4 § 2).

(iv) Taxes already assessed were written off. All legal proceedings pending before the administrative courts or the Supreme Administrative Court (…) in respect of inheritance and other taxes, surcharges and penalties were discontinued. Amounts paid by the former King and other members of the royal family in respect of tax could be claimed back from the Greek State, but the State could oppose any set-off of such a claim against any claim of the State against the royal family (Article 5 § 1).

(v) Any agreements concerning any property of the royal family, except leasehold agreements, would be declared void. Any leases of land belonging to the royal family would continue as if entered into between the lessees and the Greek State (Article 5 § 2).

(vi) Any legal proceedings brought by the former King or other members of the royal family before any Greek court using the designation "King" or any other royal designation, even if combined with the word "ex" or "former", would be regarded as void (Article 6 § 4).

(vii) Preconditions were imposed for the continued recognition of the Greek nationality of the former King and the royal family, and for the retention of their Greek passports:

– A declaration was to be submitted to the Registrar of Births, Marriages and Deaths (…) of Athens to the effect that the former King and the royal family unreservedly respected the 1975 Constitution and accepted and recognised the Hellenic Republic.

– A further declaration was to be submitted to the Registrar to the effect that the former King and the royal family unreservedly waived any claim relating to the past holding of any office or possession of any official title.

– The former King and the members of the royal family were to register in the Municipal Register of Citizens (…) under a name and a surname.

(viii) Any legislative provision contrary to this legislation was automatically repealed (Article 6 § 5).

E. Proceedings in the Greek courts

42. The applicants brought several proceedings in the Greek courts, concerning the titles to their estates.

43. The applicants also challenged the constitutionality of Law no. 2215/1994. Following two conflicting judgments of the Court of Cassation (…) and the Supreme Administrative Court, the case was referred to the Special Supreme Court (…).

The Special Supreme Court judgment of 25 June 1997

44. The court first examined whether the applicants were entitled to bring legal proceedings before it without using a surname. The court held that "the indication ‘former King’ is mentioned in the legal documents not as a title of nobility which is forbidden by the Constitution, but in order to define the identity of this litigant, who for the reasons stated earlier, has no surname ... It concerns a reference to a historic fact, which, like other elements, can indeed designate the identity of the above person, so that this person may enjoy judicial protection".

45. As regards the question of the royal property, the court stressed that it "was from the beginning a political question", that the property rights of the applicants were linked to the form of government and that "during the reign of the royal family, the property that belonged to the King and the royal family was treated like a special category of property". The court noted, inter alia, the following:

"When the Constitution by Article 1 defines the form of the regime, by the same provision, which [should be] historically interpreted, in the framework of the political and constitutional conjuncture ... in which it was voted, pursuant to the provisions of the First Constitutional Act and of Legislative Decree no. 72/1974 that was issued on the basis of its Article 10, it also solves the issue of the royal property. In other words, the referendum renders irrevocable the devolution of this property to the State, so that its return by law to the former King would be contrary to the Constitution. Therefore, Article 1 of Law no. 2086/1992 ... which implies that the former royal property would continue to belong to the deposed monarch and the members of the former royal family, and actually connects those persons with the property, contravenes the Constitution."

46. Consequently, the Special Supreme Court, by thirteen votes to four, held that Law no. 2215/1994 was constitutional. Under the Constitution, the judgments of the Special Supreme Court are final and binding on all Greek courts (Article 100 § 4).

II. RELEVANT DOMESTIC LAW

47. The relevant Articles of the 1975 Constitution provide as follows:

Article 4

"1. All Greeks are equal before the law.

2. Greek men and women have equal rights and equal obligations."
Article 17

"1. Property is protected by the State; rights deriving therefrom, however, may not be exercised contrary to public interest.

2. No one shall be deprived of his property except in the public interest, which must be duly shown, when and as specified by law and always following full compensation corresponding to the value of the expropriated property at the time of the court hearing on the provisional determination of compensation. In cases in which a request for the final determination of compensation is made, the value at the time of the court hearing of the request shall be considered.

3. …

4. Compensation shall in all cases be determined by civil courts. Such compensation may also be determined provisionally by the court after hearing or summoning the beneficiary, who may be obliged, at the discretion of the court, to furnish a commensurate guarantee for collecting the compensation as provided by law."

48. In Greece the number of property rights is limited (numerus clausus). The real rights that a person may have are: ownership, easements, pledge and mortgage (Article 973 of the Civil Code).

49. Articles 999 to 1141 of the Civil Code deal with the institutions of ownership and co-ownership. Ownership may be acquired in a variety of ways, as by occupancy of things that belong to no one, by transfer from a previous owner or even by a non-owner, by operation of law, by the effect of judgments, and by acts of the public authorities. For the transfer of the ownership of immovables the law requires an agreement between the owner and the transferee that the ownership is transferred for a lawful cause, the incorporation of this agreement in a notarial deed and its transcription at the transcription registry in the district in which the immovable is located (Article 1033).

THE LAW

I. ALLEGED VIOLATION OF ARTICLE 1 OF PROTOCOL No. 1

50. The applicants complained that Law no. 2215/1994 violated their right of property. They relied on Article 1 of Protocol No. 1, which provides:

"Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions. No one shall be deprived of his possessions except in the public interest and subject to the conditions provided for by law and by the general principles of international law.

The preceding provisions shall not, however, in any way impair the right of a State to enforce such laws as it deems necessary to control the use of property in accordance with the general interest or to secure the payment of taxes or other contributions or penalties."

This provision comprises three distinct rules. The first, which is expressed in the first sentence of the first paragraph and is of a general nature, lays down the principle of peaceful enjoyment of property. The second rule, in the second sentence of the same paragraph, covers deprivation of possessions and subjects it to certain conditions. The third, contained in the second paragraph, recognises that the Contracting States are entitled, amongst other things, to control the use of property in accordance with the general interest. These rules are not "distinct" in the sense of being unconnected: the second and third rules, which are concerned with particular instances of interference with the right to peaceful enjoyment of property, are to be construed in the light of the general principle laid down in the first rule.

A. Whether there was a "possession" within the meaning of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1

1. Arguments before the Court

51. The principal thrust of the Government’s argument was that the contested estates were inextricably linked to the institution of the Head of State and therefore did not fall under the notion of "possessions" protected by Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

As a general remark they noted that a common feature all over Europe was the existence of a clear-cut distinction between public and private possessions of monarchs. Public possessions were owned by the States and at the disposal of the monarchs to use in the performance of their duties as Heads of State. The Government submitted that such properties, held under special privileges and immunities, did not come within the concept of property or possessions protected under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1. On the other hand, the private property of European monarchs was not treated differently in any way from the property of ordinary citizens. It was acquired, used and transferred in accordance with the ordinary rules of domestic civil law, as applied to all transactions between private individuals. According to the Government, it was reasonable to suppose that such private possessions were protected under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

52. In the present case, the Government submitted that the most significant special feature of the legal status of the alleged "royal property" of the Greek Crown was that it had always had a sui generis and quasi-public character. This was demonstrated by various facts. First, the three contested estates had not been acquired by the former royal family in accordance with the general provisions of Greek civil law but because of the functions of the beneficiaries. A substantial part of these properties were donated to the former Greek Kings by the Greek State as a sign of respect towards the royal institution. Second, whenever a succession to the throne occurred, the general rules of inheritance law did not apply. On the contrary, a special law was always enacted to avoid the ordinary order of succession and settle the relevant disputes. Third, the alleged properties enjoyed full tax exemption, including exemption from inheritance tax. Had inheritance tax been applied in each of the four successions to the Greek throne from 1913 to 1964, the relevant tax burden would have exceeded the current market value of the contested estates. Fourth, the property in question had not only been assimilated to State property for procedural purposes (for example special time-limits, award of State privileges for the recovery of debts, prohibition of provisional forced execution), but had also benefited from substantial State prerogatives (non-prescription of claims, plain prohibition of usucapio, criminalisation of trespass, etc.). Therefore, no matter how each of the contested estates had been acquired, the land, which included constitutionally protected forests, historical and archaeological sites, had only been kept wholly intact and even added to because of the privileges attached to the monarchs’ public status. No ordinary Greek citizen would ever have succeeded in legally acquiring and transferring this land.

53. In the light of the above, the Government considered that the contested estates were not privately owned; consequently, they did not fall under the notion of "possessions" protected by Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

54. The applicants replied that there was manifestly no foundation whatever, as a matter of historical fact or Greek law, for the Government’s novel and bizarre argument that the property which was the subject of their claim never belonged to the royal family. The applicants stressed that this argument had never been advanced by any Government of Greece except in the course of the proceedings before the Convention organs. The fact that individual members of the royal family had owned private property had been consistently recognised by Greek public authorities throughout the period of the so-called "crowned democracy" which had been established when the first applicant’s ancestor, George I, was elected King in 1863. It had also been consistently recognised after the creation of the Republic. Such private property had always been recognised as being distinct from any property that was made available to the royal family by virtue of the constitutional status of the King, for example the Royal Palace in Athens, which was not and had never been the private property of the royal family. As regards certain privileges which were historically afforded in respect of their property, the applicants considered that those privileges had no bearing on the status of the royal family’s private property. In any event, maintenance payments by the State some fifty years earlier had been made in recognition of the damage which had been caused to the properties during the period when they were in the possession of the State and had been neglected. As for the tax exemption, the applicants invited the Court to bear in mind that the King had payed all of the very considerable expenses incurred by him in the exercise of his official duties in his capacity as Head of State. Until 1949, the King had also had to pay all the maintenance and running costs of the palaces made available to him by the State in his capacity as Head of State out of the Civil List.

555. The applicants further submitted that the fact that the royal family owned private property had been clearly recognised even during the period of the unconstitutional military dictatorship between 21 April 1967 and 24 July 1974. The 1968 Constitution included a provision, Article 134 § 3, which provided for a unique legislative measure to be enacted to expropriate or confiscate the movable and immovable property of the former King and his family. A legislative decree (no. 225 of 1973) had subsequently been issued by the dictatorship to confiscate the property of the royal family. These measures would have served no purpose if the royal property had always belonged to the State. After the fall of the dictatorship, a legislative decree of 1974 had recognised that the property confiscated by the dictatorship belonged to the royal family, on whose behalf it was administered by a special committee. In 1979 the movable property was handed over to the royal family. Protocols governing the handing over of the immovable and movable property had been duly signed by the appropriate governmental authorities and by the special committee. The status of the property had in no way been affected by the outcome of the referendum of 8 December 1974 which had resulted in the establishment of a presidential parliamentary republic. The status of the property of the royal family had simply not been in issue in that referendum. Nor had the status of the property been affected by the enactment of the 1975 Constitution. If it had been, the State would not have returned the movable property to their possession in 1979 in recognition of their ownership of it.

56. Furthermore, the applicants stressed that from 1974 to 1996, namely even after the enactment of the 1994 Law, they had filed tax returns and paid tax in respect of the property in question. They could not understand how tax on the land could properly be payable by anyone other than the owner, or how the government could properly and in good faith have demanded and accepted the payment of such tax except on that basis.

57. Moreover, in 1992 the former King and the Greek State concluded an agreement, which was ratified by Law no. 2086/1992, by which large parts of the Tatoi property were transferred by the former King to the Greek State and donated to two foundations for the benefit of the public. This agreement was concluded on the basis that he was the owner of the property in question; otherwise it would have served no purpose. That the relevant property belonged to the royal family had even been acknowledged by Law no. 2215/1994 itself, which in its preamble referred to "Settlement of matters pertaining to the expropriated property of the deposed royal family of Greece" (emphasis added by the applicants). Furthermore, the applicants stressed that the 1994 Law expressly invoked Legislative Decree no. 225 of 1973 enacted by the military dictatorship, under which the property of the royal family had been confiscated. To invoke that decree was wholly inconsistent with the Government’s argument that the royal family never owned any private property; if the property already belonged to the State, the latter would not have needed to invoke a prior confiscation.

58. The applicants concluded that there was no basis in Greek law for making any connection between the constitutional role of the former King and the status of his property. Greek civil law did not recognise a so-called sui generis concept of ownership. Article 973 of the Greek Civil Code provided an exhaustive definition of ownership rights that were recognised as a matter of Greek law. These were: ownership, easements, pledge and mortgage. There was no category of quasi-public ownership (see paragraph 48 above) [1].

59. The Commission considered that before the coming into force of Law no. 2215/1994 the property in question belonged to the applicants.

2. The Court’s assessment

60. The Court points out that the concept of "possessions" in the first part of Article 1 has an autonomous meaning which is independent from the formal classification in domestic law (see Beyeler v. Italy [GC], no. 33202/96, § 100, ECHR 2000-I). The issue that needs to be examined is whether the circumstances of the case, considered as a whole, conferred on the applicants title to a substantive interest protected by Article 1 of Protocol No. 1. The Court considers that that approach requires it to take account of the following points of law and of fact.

61. To start with, the Court is unable to agree with the Government when they suggest, at least by implication, that the members of the royal family did not have any private property at all in Greece.

It notes that at least part of the royal property was purchased by the applicants’ ancestors and paid for out of their private funds. Furthermore, on many occasions, the royal property, irrespective of its original title, was subsequently transferred inter vivos or mortis causa, in accordance with the requirements of Greek civil law, between members of the royal family and on some occasions between members of the royal family and third parties.

62. Moreover, the Court takes particularly into account the fact that before the coming into force of Law no. 2215/1994, the Greek State had on several occasions treated the members of the royal family – and among them the applicants – as being the private owners of the estates in question. The Court refers by way of example to the following facts:

– After the abolition of monarchy in 1924, the Greek State expropriated the Tatoi estate, which was later given back to the King in full ownership and possession upon his return to the throne in 1936 (see paragraphs12-13 above).

– Following a compulsory expropriation which took place in 1923, Emergency Law no. 514/1937 expressly provided that Mon Repos be conceded and transferred in full ownership and possession to Prince Andreas (see paragraph 19 above).

– It was not disputed that from 1974 to 1996 the applicants filed tax returns and paid tax in respect of their property (see paragraphs 36, 38, 41 and 56 above).

– In 1992 a binding agreement was concluded between the former King and the Greek State whereby, among other things, 200,030 square metres of the Tatoi estate were sold by the first applicant to the Greek State and most of the rest of the estate was donated to two foundations for the benefit of the public. On 28 September 1992 the Division of Scientific Studies of the Greek Parliament issued a report on a draft bill ratifying this agreement, which stated, inter alia, that Legislative Decree no. 225/1973 was repealed by Legislative Decree no. 72/1974 and that the property thereby "reverted to its former ownership status" (see paragraphs 38-39 above).

63. Like the Commission, the Court is of the view that all these acts could only be carried out on the basis that the applicants and their ancestors were the owners of the property in question, since if the contested estates had never belonged to the royal family, or if they had been validly expropriated in 1973, with the result that they were already owned by the Greek State, the said acts would have served no purpose.

64. Finally, as regards the Government’s reference to special rules which applied to the royal property, such as rules on tax exemption, the Court cannot see why such rules should per se exclude the fundamentally private character of these properties. It is not, for example, unknown for Heads of States to enjoy tax immunity as far as their private property is concerned. Likewise, the Government have failed to provide any documentation, such as a register of State property or the so-called Civil List, showing that the royal property has been considered or treated as State property.

65. In view of the above, the Court cannot but discern a contradiction in the Government’s attitude to the relevant properties. Consequently, although the Court accepts that the royal property in many ways enjoyed a special status, the fact that the Greek State itself had repeatedly treated it as private property and had not produced a general set of rules governing its status prevents the Court from concluding that it had a sui generis and quasi-public character to the effect that it never belonged to the former royal family.

66. Therefore, the Court is of the opinion that the relevant properties were owned by the applicants as private persons rather than in their capacity as members of the royal family; accordingly the contested estates constituted a "possession" for the purposes of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1, which is applicable to the instant case.

B. Inventory of the applicants’ possessions

67. The Court must now consider what exactly are the applicants’ possessions.

1. The Tatoi estate (of a total surface of approximately 41,000,000 square metres)

68. The Government argued that more than one-third of the estate, namely the Bafi forest, was donated to King George I (the first applicant’s great-grandfather) by an Act of Parliament in 1877. Obviously, the causa traditionis and/or the iusta causa of this donation was the royal function of the transferee. That was the reason why, after the abolition of the monarchy in 1924, the Bafi land came ipso jure and without any compensation to the State. Moreover, in 1925 3,785,000 square metres of this land were donated to homeless refugees; this area was never returned to the royal family after the restoration of the monarchy in 1935.

Furthermore, the Government noted that in 1992 the first applicant had donated to a non-profit foundation, the National Forest of Tatoi Foundation, more than 90% of the Tatoi land. Subsequently, the foundation had lodged an application with the Commission, which was now pending before the Court (application no. 39654/98). It was true that Law no. 2215/1994 had repealed the 1992 agreement, but at the time the 1994 Law had been enacted, the applicants had had ownership rights over less than 10% of the Tatoi estate.

69. The applicants alleged that the Bafi forest had not been donated to King George I, but had been purchased by him. In this connection, the applicants invoked documents which had come to their attention since the adoption of the Commission’s report, which demonstrated that while the Greek government had expressed the intention of donating the Bafi forest to King George I, the latter had not wished to acquire this land through a donation, but had insisted on purchasing it at a price fixed by the government. In the event, a compromise had been reached, whereby the Bafi forest was expressed to be "conceded" (rather than "donated") to King George I. In return, the latter had deposited 60,000 drachmas (GRD) with interest at the National Bank.

70. The Court notes that part of Tatoi was originally purchased by King George I as his private property. The estate was subsequently added to through the acquisition by King George I from the Greek State of an area of land known as the Bafi forest (see paragraph 9 above). Notwithstanding the manner of acquisition of these lands, disputed by the parties, their ownership status was settled as follows: In 1924 Tatoi, including the Bafi forest, was compulsorily expropriated by the Greek State without payment of any compensation. In 1936, following the restoration of the monarchy, a law returned Tatoi to the ownership and possession of King George II. This reinstatement of property included the Bafi land except an area of 3,785,000 square metres which had in the meantime been allotted to homeless refugees. Therefore, the Court is of the opinion that, with the exception of this area which was never returned to the applicants’ predecessors in title, the Tatoi lands constituted part of the property which was expropriated in 1994.

71. Furthermore the Court is unable to agree with the Government when they argue that, at the time the 1994 Law was enacted, the applicants had ownership rights over less than 10% of Tatoi. It is true that in 1992 large parts of the estate were donated by the first applicant to two foundations for the benefit of the public and that an area of 200,030 square metres was sold to the Greek State. However, Law no. 2215/1994 repealed the 1992 agreement and declared void and of no legal effect any acts carried out pursuant to it (see paragraph 41 above). To suggest that, although the 1992 agreement was repealed by a later law its legal consequences were still valid and should be taken into account, is not only contradictory as such, but also runs against the principle lex posterior derogat anteriori.

72. Having regard to the foregoing, the Court considers that before the entry into force of Law no. 2215/1994 the Tatoi estate, with the exception of an area of 3,785,000 square metres which was expropriated in 1924 and allotted to homeless refugees, belonged to the first applicant.

2. The Polydendri estate (of a total surface of approximately 33,600,000 square metres)

73. The Court notes that the Government have not argued that the Polydendri estate had in any respect a special status comparable with that of the Tatoi and the Mon Repos estates. There is no evidence to suggest that the ownership titles relating to this property which the applicants have produced are not accurate (see paragraph 15 above). It therefore considers that before the entry into force of Law no. 2215/1994 the Polydendri estate belonged to the three applicants.

3. The Mon Repos estate (of a total surface of 238,000 square metres)

74. The Government submitted that the use of this estate had been given to King George I in his capacity as Head of State, his royal function being the only causa traditionis. Even assuming that by virtue of these donations the former royal family had acquired ownership rights over Mon Repos, its transfer both in 1864 and in 1937 was legally valid only under the implicit but self-evident condition that the transferees would continue to exercise their functions.

Moreover, the Government claimed that the applicants could not have acquired ownership rights over Mon Repos through usucapio, since, as of 9 September 1915, Greek law explicitly excluded usucapio as a mode of acquisition of State properties.

75. The applicants maintained that this property had never belonged to the Greek State. It had been donated to King George I in 1864 by the Provincial Council of the island of Corfu, in recognition of his contribution to the accession of the Ionian islands to Greece. This donation was expressly recognised by deed no. 7870/1887. The property had been added to by private purchases of land by King George I and, subsequently, by King George II.

76. The Court accepts that the original title on Mon Repos is a donation by which the Provincial Council of the island of Corfu transferred to King George I the use of what formed the first part of the estate. However, it notes that, according to the ordinary provisions of Greek civil law, property rights may be acquired by a variety of ways, as by transfer from a previous owner, and that donation is undoubtedly one of the valid ways of transferring and acquiring property rights. Moreover, the Court considers that the Government have failed to substantiate their argument that the capacity of King George I as Head of State was the only causa traditionis of Mon Repos. Furthermore, it notes that the estate was subsequently enlarged by successive purchases of land belonging to third parties, and that the State does not seem to have been involved in the relevant contracts. In 1937 a law transferred the estate in full ownership and possession to Prince Andreas. Following a chain of transfers, the first applicant acquired full ownership of Mon Repos, by virtue of his father’s holograph will (see paragraph 20 above).

77. Having regard to the foregoing, the Court considers that before the entry into force of Law no. 2215/1994, the Mon Repos estate belonged to the first applicant.

C. Compliance with Article 1 of Protocol No. 1

1. Whether there has been an interference with the right of property

78. Having accepted that before the entry into force of Law no. 2215/1994 the property in question belonged to the applicants, the Court, like the Commission, considers that in 1994 there was an interference with the applicants’ right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions which amounts to a "deprivation" of possessions within the meaning of the second sentence of the first paragraph of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

The Court must therefore examine whether the interference complained of can be justified under that provision.

2. Whether the interference was provided for by law

79. The Court reiterates that the first and most important requirement of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 is that any interference by a public authority with the peaceful enjoyment of possessions should be lawful: the second sentence of the first paragraph authorises a deprivation of possessions only "subject to the conditions provided for by law" and the second paragraph recognises that the States have the right to control the use of property by enforcing "laws". Moreover, the rule of law, one of the fundamental principles of a democratic society, is inherent in all the Articles of the Convention (see the Amuur v. France judgment of 25 June 1996, Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996-III, pp. 850-51, § 50).

80. The Government submitted that both Legislative Decree no. 225/1973 and Law no. 2215/1994 were "laws" within the meaning of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 since they were adequately accessible and sufficiently precise. The first had remained in force after the restoration of democracy and the second was voted in Parliament following an open and democratic debate. Undeniably, both these laws had an individual character. However, the circumstances of the case were unique: in any recent republic there was only one former royal family. Such a family was not in a position comparable to that of any other family. Legislation relating to their property would, by definition, relate to that family alone; still, that could not deprive the legislation of its legitimacy.

81. The applicants alleged that, although Law no. 2215/1994 purported retrospectively to authorise a deprivation of their property, it lacked the essential requirement of "law", since not only was it arbitrary, punitive and discriminatory, but it also breached Article 17 of the Greek Constitution, which required a taking of property to be in the public interest and against payment of full compensation. As for Legislative Decree no. 225/1973, the applicants submitted that it amounted to an arbitrary act of confiscation by the military dictatorship, which was in any event completely irrelevant to the taking of their property in 1994.

82. Like the Commission, the Court considers that Law no. 2215/1994 constitutes the sole legal basis for the interference complained of. The Court notes that the law upon which the interference is based should be in accordance with the internal law of the Contracting State including the relevant provisions of the Constitution. It is true that in the present case the applicants have contested the constitutionality of this law before the domestic courts and the Convention organs and have argued that the challenged provisions, being unconstitutional, did not offer a valid legal basis for the deprivation of property of which they complain. However, the applicants’ complaints of the unconstitutionality of Law no. 2215/1994 have been examined and rejected by the Special Supreme Court in its judgment of 25 June 1997 (see paragraph 46 above). The Court observes that it is in the first place for the domestic authorities, notably the courts, to interpret and apply the domestic law and to decide on issues of constitutionality. Having regard to the judgment of the Special Supreme Court, the Court cannot find that Law no. 2215/1994 was unconstitutional. To sum up, the deprivation was provided for by law, as required by Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

3. Whether the interference was "in the public interest"

83. The Court must determine next whether this deprivation of possessions pursued a legitimate aim "in the public interest", within the meaning of the second rule under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

84. The Government submitted that in addition to the State’s legitimate interest in protecting the forests and the archaeological sites within the three contested estates, the 1994 Law was linked to the major public interest in preserving the constitutional status of the country as a republic. History showed in all abolished European monarchies that, with the exception of the private property of King Manuel II of Portugal, the private possessions of all former monarchs or emperors were in one way or another expropriated without compensation or without full compensation. Moreover, the reason why the law of which the applicants complained had been enacted only in 1994 was simply that complicated legal and political issues took a long time to resolve.

85. The applicants claimed that the taking of their property was not part of any national economic or social programme and that the 1994 Law did not itself explain why it was necessary. In particular, as regards the allegation that the taking of their property was motivated by the need to protect the forests and the archaeological sites within the three estates in question, the applicants maintained that during all the years when the relevant forests and archaeological sites were in the possession of the royal family, there had never been any complaint as to the way in which they were looked after; in the applicants’ eyes that argument wholly lacked credibility. Furthermore, they considered that the Government had not explained how the public interest was served by a taking of the private property of the former monarch. The private property of a former monarch and his family was by definition unconnected with his former role as Head of State, and was in no way linked to the constitutional transition from monarchy to republic. And, in any event, this transition took place in 1975, almost twenty years before the enactment of Law no. 2215/1994. The applicants stressed that the former King had on several occasions formally acknowledged the Hellenic Republic, to which he presented no threat whatsoever. Moreover, there had been no disputes between the applicants and the Greek State concerning the applicants’ property or any other matters at the time of the enactment of the 1994 Law.

In the light of all the above, the applicants considered that the Government had failed to offer any credible or sufficient justification for the taking of their property, which had been motivated by political and personal antipathy, rather than by any genuine desire to serve the public interest.

86. The Commission considered that the Greek State’s belief in the existence of a political need to settle the matters relating to the property of the former royal family could not be characterised as manifestly unreasonable.

87. The Court is of the opinion that because of their direct knowledge of their society and its needs, the national authorities are in principle better placed than the international judge to appreciate what is "in the public interest". Under the system of protection established by the Convention, it is thus for the national authorities to make the initial assessment as to the existence of a problem of public concern warranting measures of deprivation of property. Here, as in other fields to which the safeguards of the Convention extend, the national authorities accordingly enjoy a certain margin of appreciation.

Furthermore, the notion of "public interest" is necessarily extensive. In particular, the decision to enact laws expropriating property will commonly involve consideration of political, economic and social issues. The Court, finding it natural that the margin of appreciation available to the legislature in implementing social and economic policies should be a wide one, will respect the legislature’s judgment as to what is "in the public interest" unless that judgment is manifestly without reasonable foundation (see the James and Others v. the United Kingdom judgment of 21 February 1986, series A no. 98, p. 32, § 46). The same applies necessarily, if not a fortiori, to such fundamental changes of a country’s constitutional system as the transition from monarchy to republic.

88. The Court notes that there is no evidence to support the Government’s argument on the need to protect forest and archaeological sites. On the other hand, it does not doubt that it was necessary for the Greek State to resolve an issue which it considered to be prejudicial for its status as a republic. The fact that the constitutional transition from monarchy to republic took place in 1975, namely almost twenty years before the enactment of the contested law, might inspire some doubt as to the reasons for the measures, but it cannot suffice to deprive the overall objective of Law no. 2215/1994 of its legitimacy as being "in the public interest".
4. Proportionality of the interference

89. An interference with the peaceful enjoyment of possessions must strike a fair balance between the demands of the general interest of the community and the requirements of the protection of the individual’s fundamental rights.

tricia · Oct 4, 2003

The dowry was, I think, $150 million. Marie-Chantal's wedding dress cost over $100,000. I agree that she married for the title and Pavlos for the money. Whenever I read about her, it's never about anything "charitable". She's either at a fashion show or at a party. Didn't Constantine flee Greece during the 1967 coup? Did he even try to defend himself?

mktv2000 · Sep 15, 2004

Changing a bit of the topic here...so are any of Pavlos's children Crown Prince? Or does that end with him. It does seem a bit odd to continue the "crown" when there really isn't one anymore.

Overall I have always found the Greek Royals sort of tragic. A King without a Kingdom just seems sad. Especially when they are related DIRECTLY to two other reigning houses. I know, at least with my limited knowledge of Greek history that it is sort of the King's fault...but still. Tragic.

cuervo · Sep 17, 2004

The only Tragic in what you are saying is your excistance,and the tragic way you express your tragelaphic views,in a real tragelaphus....!!!

Zolotas

mktv2000 · Sep 17, 2004

WOW...I don't think I deserved someone questioning my existance!

ReinaMissy · Sep 17, 2004

Meg, cuervo tends to be emotional when he sees an attack on the king; he's a fervent royalist. Not that that excuses it, but that's just him.

Cuervo, play nice!

cuervo · Sep 17, 2004

I always play nice,the nicest I can!Nothing is "tragic" with my King!He wanted to protect Greek people of a masacre and His degnity and the only way was to live the country!! "Tragic"is a pathetic situation,and my King is ages of light far from that! He would have been "tragic"if He would have stayed in Greece and see Greek people turning Greece into a Serajevo!!

As He said on the msn press ,he never had in mind in what situation He was in,but He was thinking that greek people will go backwards,instead of progressing and ...I believed every word he said....Because:

When His property was confiscated, by some "enlightened Bandidcrats",I saw and heard Him- in a Video conferance to Greek journalists-among others -He said ,that he tried his best to save His Property,and although He had the best Lawyer platform He couldn't,but what happens if a Greek faces the same situation and has no Lawyer platform at all??He wondered !!
It was the same time that European court, judged the sum of conpensation.A few months later I 've red in the press that the value of the land in Greece devaluated 20 something per cent-but that is another story-
WHAT MATTERS FOR ME AND TO PEOPLE LIKE ME,IS THAT THE VERY DAY THAT HIS OWN PROPERTY WAS TAKEN FROM HIM,A PROPERTY THAT BELONGED TO HIM AND HIS FAMILY FOR MORE THAN A CENTURY....HE WAS THINKING OF WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO A SIMPLE GREEK IF THE BANDIDCRATS WILL TAKE HIS PROPERTY,AND HE HASN'T THE LAWYER PLATFORM TO DEFEND HIMSELF !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

I was thinking that for DAYS!!! That is what makes Him H.R.M The King Of Greece and Greeks!Actually the three capital letters arround the dots before the King....HIS ROYAL MAJESTY ...H AYTOY ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ MEΓAΛEIOTHΣ!

Automatically,the word "tragic" is transfered to Bandidcrats-Greeks and Europeans -and through them to the "tragic" conditions,that the simple Greek is living into the the land of "tragedy"the last 37 years!...

As you see my dear Meg and reina missy,i am a royalist not fervent(where did you find this word?)not fanatic,NOT emotional...I just saw that ludicus people that they even would't give a drop of water to their Angel's protector when he is thirsty, by using various tricks have commited a crime against The King of Hellenes and His family and still there are people who say words against Him(even in this forum) instead of arresting the Bandicrats and stick them on a stick like Vlad Chepes did in Romania long ago!!

So, how can I play nice,if i see people paying no respect for Him??

(Zolotas)

ReinaMissy · Sep 17, 2004

Cuervo, there's nothing wrong with being insulted by things like you mentioned, but there IS such a thing as 'Netiquette. Don't you think you're being a little harsh? When someone attacks the king in your opinion, you can disparage the post without disparaging the person

Alexandria · Sep 17, 2004

Please be respectful of each other's opinions, regardless of how one feels about the royal family, individual members or the like.

Questioning someone's existence because they do not agree with your opinon is uncalled for and a violation of the forum rules.

Alexandria
Royal Forums Adminsitrator

cuervo · Sep 17, 2004

I appologise!

(Zolotas 100)

bluetortuga · Sep 25, 2004

I thought they were pointless too. The greeks don't miss them. And it looks like the monarchy will never be restored there. They just might as well be prepared to live the rest of their lives as exiles. Or get real and realize that there is no throne to return to.

Genevieve · Sep 26, 2004

bluetortuga said:
I thought they were pointless too. The greeks don't miss them. And it looks like the monarchy will never be restored there. They just might as well be prepared to live the rest of their lives as exiles. Or get real and realize that there is no throne to return to.

I agree with you completely. Greece doesn't seem to be lacking without any royal representatives abroad.

I wonder if anyone in the family really believes that there is even an iota of a chance of the family being returned to rule?

I wonder if King Constantine thinks that each of his small victories such as having his land returned to him, he and his family being allowed back into Greece for regular visits, etc. means that he is one step closer to being King again?

I think that if (an if with a capital 'I') the family were ever to return to rule there would be some definite stipulations and ground rules established, namely that the family would be soley a symbolic function within the country. I doubt that the King would be allowed to be part of any political duties, even something as simple and neutral as opening parliament. (Not even speeches like the one Carl Gustaf makes each opening session.) And while most monarchs are head of the military in some way, I don't think Constantine would be allowed that role considering it was a military coup that over threw him.

I don't see much for this family if they were to return to ruling. I don't see either, for their own sake, why they would want to. They all have titles and the social status of royalty without any of the hard work.

What Is The Point Of The Gr Family?

Nobility

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Heir Apparent

Hope

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Gentry

Gentry

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Bianca

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Princess_Elizaveta

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Gentry

Newbie

CorinnaAloysius

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bluetortuga

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